Deji Adeyanju Endorses Sowore, Says The AAC Flag bearer Will Rescue The Economy, Jail Corrupt Politicians.

Deji Adeyanju Endorses Sowore, Says The AAC Flag bearer Will Rescue The Economy, Jail Corrupt Politicians.


Deji took to his social media today and posted a video of him saying his vote is for sowore while analyzing why sowore should be voted for.

He said, “My vote is for Omoyele Sowore tomorrow morning. My PVC is ready and i’m willing to go. Ideologically I can relate with him. Most importantly I know and I am confident that he is going to jail corrupt politicians, past and present. He is going to rescue our economy. I can relate with him ideologically and every other way. I also believe that he has what it takes because we don’t need anybody who is a member of the establishment to go against the establishment. These are some of the reasons i’ll be voting for him



Ok, I can now understand what a politician means from definition of foolish minds..

A politician will keep quiet when university students are kept at home for over seven months due to government unleashed ASUU strike. This is because according to shallow minds, politics is not about education and future of our youths and welfare of their lecturers but about political power that must be gotten at all cost and by all crooked means possible.

A true politician must be blind, hear nothing and say nothing to socio-political and economic crisis that affects the people because his ambition is power grabbing and nothing more. And he should not rock boat of the status quo for fear of being denied victory by votes or by rigging.

The job of a good politician is not to involve himself in any protest, strike or respond to social issues that adversely affect the people but to keep dubious silence even if heaven will fall. In as much as some people still remain to vote for him, then no stress.

To be a good politician, you must worship the incumbent arrogant aristocratic oracle and other political deities. Don’t step on their toes to speak for the people when they are in distress because people’s interests don’t really count to a good politician but power for self and his greedy group to accomplish a transient or life ambition.

You can’t be a good politician if you don’t have enough huge stolen public fund to fight a political war, buy votes, induce voters, buy police, soldiers, induce INEC and unleash political thugs and violence on the electorate and the general public.

If you want to be acknowledged as a good politician, you must cultivate the habit of lying and propaganda without any scruple. Integrity and good character means nothing to a good politician in Nigeria but power nothing but power.

Sowore is truly not a good politician to have identified with ASUU strike and students protest or any protest at all. When I saw him with protesting students, it occurred to me that he’s really not a good politician. Or how many presidential candidates or parties have identified with these oppressed students and lecturers? None, , because they are good politicians who are desperate for power but bother less about the people. “Eni Amori iba ku, Agunla Aguntete” (let everyone goes to blazes, it doesn’t concern typical Nigerian politicians)

Since election is close by, a good politician should know that many uneducated youths and university students denied of classrooms are easy recruits to his army of political thugs, his voters, retailers of vote buying. For Sowore not to understand this, it means he’s not a good politician according to the warped opinions of many educated but foolish Nigerians who define a good politician from a bad premise. A rogue tradition they met and want to sustain and defend. .Ask them who’s a good politician in Nigeria, this is who and what these injured and destroyed minds mean.
“Make you ask them o, and we must ask” according to Fela Anikulapo-Kuti (RIP)

I stand with ASUU and students denied of going to school.

Who Can Hold the Beasts Down, Sowore or Peter Obi? by Damilare Adenola

Who Can Hold the Beasts Down, Sowore or Peter Obi? by Damilare Adenola

All animals are equal, they say, but in Nigeria, beasts- especially ex-president – are more equal. Even when they commit the worst of criminalities like robbing the Nigerian people of their commonwealth and eating their flesh in cold blood when they fight back, no human being, who is born of a woman can commit them to their cross.

In the presidential race, there are two candidates seemingly appearing as the candidates with youth support buzz on social media: Omoyele Sowore and Peter Obi. This duo becomes relevant to this piece because their fan bases have forced the emerging political debate into an idea and issues-based one, other than the usual popularity or affluence based.

Honestly, the quality of the political debate testifies to the impact of #Endsars protest in awakening the citizens to government malfeasance and the need to fight back. Yes, ideas have played a decisive role in political development. Although it saw many heads hung on pikes, the French Revolution was more a battle of ideas. The American revolution was a battle of ideas more than it was of guns and boats. In the 2023 election, it is hope-rejuvenating that it will be one of the ideas.

On our way out of Egypt, unarguably, we can see the pharaoh of military and civilian ex-leaders standing; far above the law even. As youths, one of the ideas that should drive our adoption of a candidate – the one fit to fight for our freedom – is the need to assess the values that each hold.

The values on which every society thrives are largely connected to the values the leaders at the helm of affairs share; they usually correspond. In Burkina Faso for instance, where Blaise Campaore, an ex-leader of the country notorious for murdering the revered Affica’s upright leader, Thomas Sankara, was recently tried and sentenced to life imprisonment in absentia, the leaders hold the values that everyone is below the law. In South Afria, where Jacob Zuma, for plundering public money, is doing his time, the leaders believe that a quail does not stand taller than another.

In Nigeria, rather, Gen. Buhari, a notorious coup plotter, who sacked a democratically elected government still walks the street freely and unfortunately sits on the most revered chair today. In this same country, characters like Babaginda who annuled the 1993 election and callously denied the Nigerian people of their mandate; Obasanjo who embezzled $16 billion belonging to Nigeria’s power project; Yakubu Gowon, under whose era Nigeria first witnessed an unprecedented level of corruption, have become demi-gods whose prayers are sought by aspiring presidents. However, no nation where this ‘bigmanism’ values drives ever moves in a direction of progress; Uganda, Zimbabwe, Democratic republic of Congo are all befitting examples.

Judging by what the two – Sowore and Peter Obi – hold as very important amongst their intended moves to change Nigeria, the choice of the ideal youths hopes to be resolved. ”You can’t shut down your shop and be chasing criminals; Peter Obi once responded to the question of who will tame the beasts. Sowore on the other hand, while responding to the same question, vowed to not only retrieve all stolen monies but also to hand all of these attrocious ex-leaders their jail beds.

Rich history of the AAC. Building a revolutionary party. Perspectives by Baba Aye

Rich history of the AAC. Building a revolutionary party. Perspectives by Baba Aye

African Action Congress (AAC) was registered as a political party by Nigeria’s Independent National Electoral Commission two years ago. From its radical roots it set itself apart as a platform for the struggle of the popular masses within and beyond the electoral sphere of politics. It has flourished unapologetically into a party for revolution. The AAC’s immediate fount and its scaffold to date is the Take It Back (TIB) movement, founded in the beginning of 2018. It has inspired tens of thousands of young working-class and professional/middle-class people across the length and breadth of the country and indeed globally among the Nigerian diaspora. This movement’s alliance with revolutionary socialist groups gave birth to the Coalition for Revolution (CORE) and the launch of its #RevolutionNow campaign.

The birth of the party

The Take It Back movement emerged at the beginning of 2018 in the contradictory context of radical politics in Nigeria. The world, as I pointed out while looking at the soil from which TIB/AAC germinated in an earlier article, had changed since the Great Recession of 2007-2009. The status quo’s hegemony or apparent legitimacy was fractured. Beyond Nigeria, mass movements spread across the world were bursting out as revolts, and in the Middle East and North Africa region, revolutions threw hitherto invincible dictators into the trashcan of history.

The “Occupy Nigeria” uprising in January 2012 was part of that moment of global rising. But the tragedy of the radical movement is that unlike the situation in many other countries this did not translate into organization to take the fire forward for deepening popular struggle in an anti-systemic manner. Four years after “Occupy Nigeria”, you could still put all self-avowed revolutionaries in the country into a molue (long bus) and still have to pe ‘ro s’oko (call in passengers to fill empty seats).

This partly accounted for an equally bankrupt party of the one percenters emerging as the apostle of “change” to steal power from the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), which had held the reins of government for 16 years and that felt it would for 44 more years. The All People’s Congress victory in 2015 spoke more to the failure of a credible revolutionary party’s emergence from the flames of Occupy Nigeria than to the resilience of a fortified bourgeois opposition at the time.

The seething mass anger, which burst out in 2012, continued to bubble below the surface like a dormant volcano, and the reality of the “change” party being nothing but one of “all promises cancelled” dawned on people within a few years of the APC coming into power. These combined to kindle the interest of a broader swathe of forces and persons in the 2019 elections than in any before this century. These included not a few (self-avowed revolutionaries and middle-class careerists alike) that take mobilization to win power only as seriously as they take watching Tom and Jerry on television. There were also quite a few who really did seriously think that they were taking power seriously.

Between March 2018 and the elections in February 2019, the TIB movement and the AAC organized no less than 500 political events across virtually every state in the federation, as well as 15 countries spread over all the regions of the world. Most of these had packed halls, with many people having to stand up or peer in from the window due to limited space. Unlike the rented crowds that the big—and of course bourgeois—parties, which alone could also amass followings of any significance, these were Nigerians who rather paid their way to the activities and were happy to support what they saw as a serious alternative project. The core message of the movement was clear: we need much more fundamental change than any of the parties involved in serious politics thus far could offer. And we are not going to get that on our knees. We will fight and win our liberation on the streets as much, if not more than, through the ballot.

Mass mobilization, including with the use of new information and communication technologies, went hand in hand with the establishment of movement or party structures. Inspired Nigerians of all walks of life at home and in the diaspora saw and became part of a movement that offered much more than they had dared hope for, even as much as they yearned for it. They chipped in their bits to sustain the hurricane.

The party raised 157,884,938 Naira (about US$408,000) as donations—most of these very small donations from tens of thousands of people. Never since the period of parties like the Action Group (AG) and Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) had any political party raised such kind of money from “inconsequential” Nigerians. This is noteworthy, particularly for the mischievous, such as Adams Oshiomhole (a former trade unionist, governor of Edo State and national chairperson of AOPC), who try to reduce #RevolutionNow to a post-election afterthought.

The truth is that even during the electoral campaign the AAC did not reduce its politics to one of simply canvassing for votes. The party was on the streets organizing demonstrations for press freedom, extension of voter registration, and against demolitions of informal settlements. The ruling class was conscious of the problem that AAC constituted to them and they took action to suppress the party. As early as December 2018, five of its activists were arrested while pasting campaign posters in Lagos. They were charged with defacing other parties’ posters, even though this was demonstrably false. The state was sending out a clear message that it would not tolerate revolutionaries.

By the end of 2018, the TIB formed a coalition with the Alliance for the Masses Political Alternative (AMPA), which was coming together of Socialist Workers & Youth League (SWL) and Socialist Vanguard Tendency (SVT). The two groups had worked within the National Conscience Party (NCP) for a few years as the NCP Socialist Forum (NSF). The TIB had favored the NCP among myriad parties it held discussions with on which to float its electoral bid. The treacherous collapse of the NCP bureaucracy into an alliance with the PDP made real this possibility. Taking a principled stand, the two groups constituting the NSF pulled out of that party to form AMPA, which later brought on several other groups. The TIB-AMPA Coalition would later become known as the Coalition for Revolution—CORE.

After the elections, TIB/AAC-AMPA played a critical role in building resistance to wildly inflated power bills and epileptic power supply in working-class communities. Its activists, as part of CORE were also at the barricades in solidarity with rank and file workers during struggles, such as those of non-academic staff at Lagos State Polytechnic.

As radicalization of the party deepened in the immediate post-election period, the right-wing of the party played its hand as Esau for the Jacob of the state. The illegitimate splinter group that emerged under Leonard Ezenwa, the AAC national secretary before his suspension, was proclaimed to be representative of the party in a questionable court ruling in July. But even as the legal battle rages, the facts on the ground have made it tedious, if not outrightly impossible, for the state to stick to the fairy tale of an Ezenwa-led AAC.

The actuality of #RevolutionNow

The  CORE’s launch of the #RevolutionNow campaign on August 5, 2019 was a milestone in the development of AAC and the history of Nigeria. It went beyond the 1948 Zikist Movement’s “A Call for Revolution,” to demanding “Revolution Now!” on the streets. On the launch day, a record five million people in the country searched the word “revolution” online. The movement thus placed revolution as a popular question in the minds of many more Nigerians than the left groupuscules preaching to the choir had done in decades.

Alas, the state repression was swift and brutal. Party chair, Omoyele Sowore, was arrested on the eve of the nationwide protest and all venues scheduled for rallies in every state of the federation were taken over by combined teams of the army, anti-riot police, and state security service (secret police), among others. In several states they took to flexing their muscles with patrols through the major roads and possible sites of mass gatherings. Notwithstanding, this brazen show of strength demonstrations was held in 14 of Nigeria’s 23 states. #RevolutionNow activists also took action in Berlin, Geneva, Johannesburg, London, New York and Toronto.

The largest of the demonstrations was in Lagos. About 150 activists had a faceoff with the police in front of the national stadium in Surulere, where the flag-off rally for the revolutionary campaign was meant to take place. At the end of the day 57 activists were arrested in six different cities across five states, and many of them were badly beaten up.

This hour marked not just the deepening of AAC’s radical politics. It was equally a watershed in its transformation into the driving force of a mass-based revolutionary movement. As with all such moments, there was confusion, even within the ranks of the left, as to what was happening. More than a few condemned such (in their view) rash declarations of revolution—as if revolutions were singular events and not processes that include affirmation around mobilization.

To some, it would have made sense for the August nationwide action to have been described as a “protest,” to avoid prematurely falling foul of the state. Obviously, such ideas, incidentally from comrades on the left, were backwards compared to those of Maureen Onyetenu a Federal High Court judge. On May 4, 2020, she ruled that the nationwide #RevolutionNow action was well within the realm of even bourgeois democratic rights, irrespective of what it was called. She further declared the state’s disruption of the protest as “illegal, oppressive, undemocratic and unconstitutional.”

The detention of Sowore for almost five months, and the absurd theatrics of the state security service in flouting rulings and respect for the courts, including the invasion of the federal high court premises at Abuja to re-arrest Sowore, also showed state suppression for what it is. The bail condition of restricting him to Abuja is partly face-saving by the ruling class, as well as a desperate attempt to try to take the winds from the sails of the emergent revolutionary movement.

Despite the COVID-19 lockdown, TIB/AAC continued with revolutionary agitation on important political issues with skillful use of social media. As soon as the confinement restrictions were lifted in June, TIB/AAC and its allies constituting the CORE continued organizing on the ground. This included a series of demonstrations in June in five cities against police brutality and the rising incidence of rape and femicide. The protesters also declared their solidarity with the global #JusticeForGeorgeFloyd movement.

Branches of the AAC in localities where police violence against poor citizens is rife—for example, in Oworonshoki where 16-year old Tina Ezekwe was killed by police in May—promptly organized community-based protests. Political education for party cadres was also introduced in this period, in the Lagos state chapter, where the first of a series of “education for revolution” programs are now running. The party is also back on the electoral trail with its radical agenda for the polls. It conducted well organized primaries to produce candidates for the forthcoming gubernatorial elections in Edo and Ondo states. Also, in May, The Socialist Workers and Youth League initiated a seven-week process for democratizing and consolidating the structures of CORE. The TIB and all but one affiliated organization supported these genuine aims. For the first time in its history, an inclusive and democratically elected leadership of the coalition emerged.

The new CORE leadership had barely one month to prepare for the commemoration of the launch of the #RevolutionNow campaign with the #August5thProtest. Despite myriad challenges, these were a success. In fifteen states, including Niger and Yobe where there was no action the previous year, activists took to the streets. Though most demonstrations were not large, the movement’s showing in Abuja and Lagos, the two main cities, outmatched the previous year’s demonstrations. More than 60 people demonstrated at the Unity Fountain Abuja. A busload of activists from a satellite of the capital was turned back at a checkpoint while trying to enter the city center. In Lagos, between 400 and 600 protesters took over the Ikeja roundabout compared to barely 150 persons in front of the national stadium a year earlier. Twice the police dispersed them and twice they regrouped, with popular support from traders, commuters, and residents where they rallied.

The state machinery of coercion was no less active in attempts to suppress these activities. More than 100 people were arrested in different parts of the country for participating in the demonstrations. These included 42 in Abuja, 22 in Lagos, seven in Osun, five in Abeokuta and the AAC Kano Chair in Kano city, who was released only recently. Working assiduously with the Revolutionary Lawyers Forum (RLF) and the Radical Mandate Agenda for the Nigeria Bar Association (RAMIMBA), the party and the CORE leadership ensured the release of all the arrested comrades.

Building the party—what is to be done?

The COVID-19 pandemic has driven home sharply the failures of the profit-before-people-basis of capitalism. The worst is yet to come. As the capitalist world lurches into what could very well be its worst social-economic crisis in history, the bosses will attempt to make the mass of poor people bear the brunt of an exploitative system. Working-class people and youth will have no choice but to fight back. Sparks of discontent will set off moments of spontaneous mass movements on the streets, in workplaces, and across communities. But these massquakes will dissipate like hot steam and the bosses will still have their way, if there is no mass-based revolutionary organization that like a steam engine, can turn the steam of mass anger into motion of lasting struggle for system change. But there is still so much to do in building the party, movement, and coalition for revolution.

Probably the top priority is a systematic and intensive approach to cadre education. As we learn from Che Guevara, “the first duty of a revolutionary is to be educated.” The education he means of course, is not that which you acquire in the four walls of school, but rather questioning why society is how it is, what alternatives could be constructed from concrete reality to change how society is, and how we go about struggle to bring to birth the better society we desire. This education is one which we get from the largest university in the world—the school of life.

However, the dominant ideas through which the direct lessons from life are perceived are shaped by the interests of the dominant classes of oppressors in any society. What immediately appears to us as “common sense,” even the most radical of such, tends to be inadequate for the thinking we need to overthrow the oppressive system we find ourselves in. To forge the “good sense,” which alone can help us grasp the tasks and strategy for what is to be done as revolutionaries requires education to deepen our theoretical understanding. That is precisely why Vladimir Lenin said, “without revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement.” The time is ripe to consider establishing a living party school and research center, which harnesses and enriches decentralized education for revolution programs in all branches.

The party must build its capacity for producing, distributing, and facilitating the study of revolutionary literature. Pamphlets, leaflets, and books must be part of the mental staple food of party cadres. The fantastic use of social media, and other audio-visual means have to be taken to a new level to ensure deeper cadre and mass political education. We must also learn from the strengths (and weaknesses) of historical and contemporary revolutionary party-building projects. Drawing from some of these and contextualizing them concretely, the party has to develop intervention programs that have meaning to working-class people and youth in their daily lives.

For example, AAC cadres across the country could set aside a day every few months for “environmental sanitation” exercises. Free tutorial/coaching for children of poor working-class people could be organized. This could include e-learning through webinars, with children from poor working-class homes who might not be able to afford data being provided airtime to join. Physical contact sessions must however be prioritized as much as possible.

Free breakfast programs could be developed, as the Black Panthers in the US did. These, and similar programs, are not to be conducted in the supposedly non-political manner that NGOs render services. Our politics must run as the thread that ties these expressions of alternative power as much as service delivery together, and link the party’s social provision intervention with its more partisan political mobilization for revolution work. The party program and our class orientation are two vital issues that must be clearly addressed at this point.

The AAC manifesto as adopted at the 2018 party convention reflected a shotgun marriage arrangement with the party’s right-wing at the time. As we pointed out in the January-February 2019 edition of Socialist Worker:

The movement of #TIB is moving more and more to the left. There are internal struggles with a party right-wing in AAC ready to uphold the status quo of capitalism, merely with some “decency”, so to speak. But what the movement as a whole seeks is the revolutionary upturn of the exploitative system and as it gets more engaged in mass work, this orientation deepens.

Events thus far have confirmed this analysis. An overhaul of the AAC manifesto to reflect its politics of struggle for social system change is now imperative. This must be a program that addresses the social, economic, political, and ecological problems of the day with a view to bring about fundamental transformative change. This change must break from the logic of growth and development that has pauperized the majority of the population and put the earth in the perilous state of climate crisis. We need to formulate a revolutionary program for a party of revolution.

The orientation of AAC to working-class people has never been in doubt. The party membership includes young professionals; middle-class change-seeking Nigerians, who are fed up with the disaster life has become for all but the 1% of super-rich people in the country. It also includes students as well as working-class people, who constitute a significant proportion in the ranks of the party. Revolutionary political parties can lead revolutions, but revolutions are never waged and won by any one party. Revolutions are massive anti-systemic uprisings of the mass of working-class people. AAC has to strengthen its ties with all strata of workers, artisans, poor farmers etc. We must be the tribune of all exploited and oppressed sections of the population.

AAC activists in several states have joined workers on strike at the barricades, supported and fought alongside the people in poor working-class communities for electricity rights and against police brutality, and organized political education programs for workers in both the formal and informal sector. Such activities must become generalized, a normal part of revolutionary politics across all states of the federation.  Organization for revolution requires unification-in-action of many social forces, parties, and other groups committed to struggle, with the aim of bringing down the oppressive system of exploitation that determines the status quo. This entails building united fronts. CORE is the united front for revolution now. Building CORE with other affiliates of the coalition must be a key priority for AAC’s revolutionary activists. This will involve constituting CORE in all states where we have TIB structures along with other affiliates’ chapters, and expanding the coalition’s affiliation base to include all organizations who stand for revolutionary transformation today.

The unfolding revolutionary movement that TIB/AAC/CORE sharply manifests in Nigeria is an integral wave in the global tsunami of popular risings against exploiters and their oppressive system. Internationalism must thus be woven into the fabric of our struggle. The primary devil we confront is at home, but our battle is against all the powers and principalities of the hellish exploitation of the masses. An injury to one is an injury to all. We must continue to call on our sisters, brothers, comrades, and revolutionary organisations across the world to stand with us as we fight our battles for #RevolutionNow.

The mission of our generation, rising from the obscurity of neoliberalism, is global revolution—to build a better and more just world. We must not betray it. Working-class people united and determined cannot be defeated!

This is an edited version of a paper presented for the second anniversary webinar of the African Action Congress. An abridged version was published in the Socialist Worker of August-September 2020.




We use this opportunity to inform that our candidates for the Governorship and Deputy Governorship offices in the Osun 2022 Elections are:

Olufemi  Eniola JOHNSON (Governorship)

Olugbenga Justus Odunewu (Deputy-Governorship)

Both are the properly elected candidates of the party in the forthcoming elections. The Sogbadero Team will bring a new spring of radical change to the whole of Osun, and save our people from the current fear of voting between the devil and the deep blue sea!

We condole with all Nigerians that are under the scourges of massive insecurities. We call on the Buhari government to stop trading with the lives of Nigerians through its inept, impune, and incompetent rulership of the country.

We believe that Nigerians should obtain their voters cards, engage massively in civil actions and take their destinies into their hands by voting the People’s Candidates and standing against all oppressions!

Another Nigeria is Possible!

AAC in 2023 Elections ; all you need to know

AAC in 2023 Elections ; all you need to know

Considering the INEC time-table, the party leaders swung into action and ensured that all that’s  required of the party which includes submission of membership register, delegate list, mode of nomination to be adopted have been fulfilled by the party leadership and copies of acknowledgment from INEC are in the archive of the party.

As you may recall that the National Working Committee of our great party on 6th of May, 2022 announced the line-up of 2023 pre-election activities which has received massive acceptance by Nigerians, members and non-members inclusive.

The Activities includes the following-

Registration of Aspirants on the Expression of Interest portal  – 

There are currently 109 Aspirants onboarded.

Note- The six-day extension by INEC announced on May 27, 2022 has made it now possible for people aspiring to run under the party to register as quickly as possible.  As an aspirant, please seize this opportunity to do the needful.

Leadership Meeting with Aspirants – 2 virtual meetings have held already and a loop has been created for continuous discussion. New aspirants will be added after registering on the portal link shared above.

Screening of Aspirants– A 7-person committee was inaugurated with Mrs Edith Isokpan chairing the Committee.
Note- This is a continuous process that has started already. Aspirants will proceed to screening after fulfilling financial responsibilities set by the National Working Committee. See details on financial responsibilities-

Account Details –

African Action Congress

Zenith Bank 


Date of Primaries
– June 2nd (All categories except Presidential position) and June 3rd (Presidential)

Note- Any extension will be properly communicated to registered aspirants.

Other very important Committees that have been inaugurated by the National Working Committee:

1. AAC-TIB Committee- To look at the state of the party structures across sub-nationals and advise accordingly.
2. AAC Manifesto Review- Change is constant and as the name implies, the Committee has been saddled with the responsibility of reviewing the manifesto of the party to continually be in the best interest of our people.
3. AAC-Labour Relations Committee- This committee has some of the finest labour activists who are reaching out to labour centers (The NLC, TUC, ULC) across the country on behalf of the party. Work is ongoing.

There is no gainsaying that we are on full throttle as we coast to victory come 2023.

For more information, please contact-

Comrade Philip  Oshiokue

(National Organizing Secretary) 07033155960

Nnamdi Kanu Was Blindfolded, Handcuffed and Chained, I Fear For His Safety — Sowore

Nnamdi Kanu Was Blindfolded, Handcuffed and Chained, I Fear For His Safety — Sowore

Human rights activist and convener of the #RevolutionNow movement, and former presidential candidate of the African Action Congress, Mr. Omoyele Sowore has said he was at a Federal High Court in Abuja, the nation’s capital to see that Nnamdi Kanu got justice but had been arraigned and conveyed to the custody of the police.

Leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), Kanu was arrested in the United Kingdom and extradited to Nigeria to face trial over allegations of treason leveled against him by the Nigerian government.

However, the human rights activist has said he fears for the safety of the leader of the pro-Biafra separatist group as he was blindfolded, handcuffed and his legs were chained.

“I’m here to see that Nnamdi Kanu gets justice, but unfortunately he has been moved to be detained. I fear for his safety. He was hooded. This is despicable. This just shows that we are in the Banana Republic,” he said.

Sowore also stated that Kanu has the right to agitate for self-determination, especially in a system that has kept denying Nigerians their rights, while adding that he has been a victim of inhumane treatment from the Nigerian government as well.

“The way he was treated was despicable. The system has a way of abducting people and bringing them to court. I have been abducted like that before. There is nothing wrong with asking for self-determination. Nnamdi Kanu has rights to ask for self-determination,” Sowore added.

Kanu was swiftly transported to Court 2 where the presiding judge Justice Murtala Nyanko told the prosecution lawyer, Shuaib Labaran to notify the defense counsel of the new date for the continuation of the trial.

Journalists were prevented from filming Kanu as he was shielded and taken through the back door.

The prosecution applied that Kanu jumped bail and wanted him to be remanded at DSS custody.

Justice Murtala Nyanko has adjourned the matter to July 26, 2021.

The Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami (SAN), Tuesday, had earlier declared that Kanu was captured by the operatives of Nigeria’s security intelligence.

Kanu was on October 14, 2015, arraigned by the Nigerian Government over allegations of terrorism, money laundering, treason, etc.

On March 28, 2019, his bail condition was revoked by Justice Binta Nyako of the Federal High Court.

Stop Recognizing A Usurper, AAC Tells Premium Times and IPAC, Says Sowore Is Party National  Chairman

Stop Recognizing A Usurper, AAC Tells Premium Times and IPAC, Says Sowore Is Party National Chairman

The National Secretariat of African Action Congress (AAC) is seized by the circulation of an event flyer that addressed a certain Leonard Nzenwa as the National Chairman of the African Action Congress and listed same as a panelist in a forthcoming live webinar with the topic – ‘’Intra-Party Democracy in Nigeria: Challenges and Solutions.’’ (sic). We are shocked at such misinformation coming from one of the best in the corridors of investigative journalism in the country.


A cursory move on the official website of the party, would have saved the Premium Times this egregious error of offering its platform to a usurper who was expelled over very weighty allegations of FRAUD, STEALING, FORGERY, SABOTAGE, and ANTI-PARTY ACTIVITIES after being offered fair-hearing.

As a political party that engages with the principles of democracy as its guide, Leonard Nzenwa was issued a query letter on the 17th, January 2019, and was suspended pending investigation and his defense (

Upon recommendations of a disciplinary committee set up by the National Working Committee of the party, he was expelled from the party. The AAC RETERIATES THAT THE SAID INDIVIDUAL, LEONARD NZENWA IS NO LONGER A MEMBER of the AFRICAN ACTION CONGRESS (AAC), let alone an executive at the national level. COMRADE OMOYELE SOWORE REMAINS THE NATIONAL CHAIRMAN OF THE PARTY, ratified alongside other officers at the first and only Convention which held in Lagos on 6th, October 2018 in line with the provisions of Section 57 of the party’s constitution.

Among the many letters of the AAC expected to be in the archive of the Independent National Electoral Commission, is the most recent which was signed by members of the AAC National Executive Committee (NEC), received by the Secretary to the Commission, Mrs. Rose Omoa Oriaran-Anthony in Abuja on the 28th of April 2021, demanding that the Commission rids itself of the perceived complicity in the protraction of this illegality and injustice done against our party’s internal democracy- a topic the PTCIJ aims to address in its programme.

“We demand forthwith that the said individual addressed in the said capacity be delisted as a Speaker at the event and that the flyer be taken out of circulation and/or a statement addressing the misinformation be issued by the Premium Times Centre for Investigative Journalism (PTCIJ).

“We also use this medium to put the Inter-Party Advisory Council (IPAC) on notice that it cannot continue to recognize a usurper if it aims to be regarded by the public as anything close to a democratic organization”. The African Action Congress said in a statement signed by its National Publicity Secretary, Mr. ‘Femi Adeyeye.



History Will Be Cruel To Tinubu, Bisi Akande, Gbajabiamila, Others Over Their Position On Yoruba Nation

History Will Be Cruel To Tinubu, Bisi Akande, Gbajabiamila, Others Over Their Position On Yoruba Nation

The umbrella body for Yoruba self-determination groups, Ilana Omo Oodua, has criticised the National Leader of the All Progressives Congress, Bola Tinubu, and other APC leaders in the South-West leaders for opposing “separatist agitations”.

SaharaReporters had reported that Tinubu and some other APC leaders in the South-West, including the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Femi Gbajabiamila had opposed agitations for Yoruba Nation at a meeting on Sunday.

They however supported some of the resolutions made by the Southern Governors recently regarding open grazing and restructuring.

But Ilana Oodua through its spokesperson, Maxwell Adeleye, told The PUNCH Newspaper that the decision made by the APC leaders was unfortunate.

The group headed by Prof Banji Akintoye also told the APC leaders that “history will not be kind to them” for “opposing the wish of the people”.

“People need to correct this. It is not secession. What we are fighting for is the self-determination right of our people as guaranteed by the United Nations Charter on Human rights and even the 1999 constitution.

“It is our right to fight for self-determination. Tinubu and others are entitled to their opinions. Conduct a poll and you will see that a majority of Yoruba people want their own nation.

“It is unfortunate that Chief Bisi Akande is present where the yearning and aspirations of Yoruba people will be denied. If his mentor, the late Chief Bola Ige – is alive, will Bisi Akande say the things he read out yesterday?

“If the likes of Tinubu, Baba Akande because of their ambition, Baba Akande are not careful, history will not be kind to them for standing against the yearnings and aspirations of the people. Without the people, they cannot be leaders,” he said.